By Anatoly M. Khazanov
A world-renowned anthropologist, Anatoly M. Khazanov deals a witty, insightful, and cautionary research of ethnic nationalism and its pivotal function within the cave in of the Soviet empire.
“Khazanov’s encyclopedic wisdom of the background and tradition of post-Soviet societies, mixed with box learn there because the Sixties, informs the case reports with a unique authoritative voice. This quantity is destined to be a completely beneficial reference for the certainty of ethnic family and the politics of minorities within the ex-USSR into the following century.”—Leonard Plotnicov, editor of Ethnology
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Extra info for After the USSR: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Politics in Commonwealth of Independent States
1. The problem of persons living outside their constituent state or mlonomy. Today, there are about 60 million such people in the CIS; 11ho11t 25 million of them are Russians. Events of the last several years hiiVl' demonstrated that their situation and relations with the dominant nutlonality in whatever republic or country in which they reside are oftnt the source of conflict. Attempts to lessen this problem through bilatr,cltreaties between individual republics of the CIS, which would guar111 c·c· the rights of ethnic minorities, so far have not brought positive results.
On April 23, in Novo-Ogarevo, he signed with the republican leaders an agreement which intended to turn the Soviet Union into a federation, the Union ol Sovereign States. However, the Novo-Ogarevo accord did not strengthen Gorbachcv 's position. His support base was continuing to narrow. 2 million communists had already left the party (Pravda,July 26,1991 l Particularly large defections happened in those republics where the pn• independence movements were especially stro ng. Thus, whe n tht· 2Htll The Collapse of the Soviet Union 43 <:ongress of the Communist Party of Georgia resumed its work on De- cember 7, 1990, after an almost five-month interval, it turned out that 61 •>f the 666 delegates had left the party over this time, and more than 200 others chose not to attend (Izvestiia, December 8, 1990;January 2, 1991).
In Russia, on the other hand, the elected 1990 Parliament, in which unconverted communists constituted a numerous and influential faction, did not reflect a new 1992 balance of political forces in the society. Rather, the Russian leadership relied on Yeltsin's charisma more than on anything else and was not subject to any party or public control. A number of publications in the Russian press revealed that many persons in the new leadership were as prone to corruption as their predecessors, and that by 1992 the Russian bureaucracy had become the most corrupt of any in the past 70 years (see, for example, New Times 47 [November 26- December 2, 1991]: 15; Literaturnaia gazeta, January 1, 1992: 3; Moscow News 1 Uanuary 5-12, 1992]: 3; and Moscow News 13 [March 29-April 5, 1992]: 7).
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